CHAPTER XVIII BULGARIA'S DEFECTION AND PRISONERS OF WAR

Russia Blamed for the Balkans Muddle—Bulgaria's Treachery—Gen. Grant on the Russians and Constantinople—Bulgaria's Dissatisfaction—The Reign of the Fox—The Treatment of Prisoners of War—The German Method—The Allies' Failure—Lack of Organisation—Insidious German Propagandism—Britain and Her Prisoners in Germany


Many people blame Russia for what is going on in the Balkans. They may, perhaps, be more right than one would imagine, but probably not quite in the way they suppose! In political, as in private life, there are moments when one must be guided only by the criterion of one's own duty and conscience, whether one pleases the world or not, whether even one is openly blamed or not. Russia, unfortunately, has not always observed this principle.

It seems to me that in politics nothing is so dangerous as to be more carried away by cosmopolitanism than by patriotism, and to forget one's own feelings and duties in one's desire to please some other Power. Cosmopolitanism kills patriotism. I have spent many winters in England, and have known many Englishmen, but I have never met a true Briton who would boast of being a cosmopolitan and not a patriot. Happy England!

They tell me that there are prisons and lunatic {265} asylums in this country. Naturally—even in this happy land there are madmen and criminals—but they are considered and treated as such. In the present situation all the harm has been brought about by our past diplomacy, anxious, as it has always been, ever since the Turkish war of '76, to please the European Concert.

At this moment, of course, we fervently adhere to the policy of the Allies—and for this, indeed, one can only say "Thank God!" The aims and objects of the allied nations are identical, and we have one common end in view: victory over our enemy at any cost. This fact is not based on any vague, cosmopolitan craving to win the approval of some wretched concert, but is founded on the most ardent and determined sense of patriotism.

Now let us consider what is just now the real position of Bulgaria, and how this position has been brought about. 'Yes, the incredible has happened, the liberated slave has turned against the hand that gave him freedom, the but recently enchained captive fights side by side with his oppressors, and uses his armed forces against his brothers. We turn away in horror, and cry "Treachery!" The cry is taken up and repeated, its echo resounds everywhere, and it seems at first sight as though nothing could be said in defence or justification of an act so inexcusable. Our indignation, indeed, is just; but before we condemn an entire nation, let us look round for a moment and consider whether we cannot point the finger of our scorn and contempt at an object more deserving of such feelings than an ignorant {266} people victimised by falsehoods and intrigues, and drawn against its will into an adventure of which it is already tiring.

In the first place, European diplomacy, guided by Lord Beaconsfield, opposed Russia's imminent triumphant entry into Constantinople. In connection with this fact, I am tempted to recall the following incident.

Several years after the end of the war, ex-President Grant called on me in Paris, and put to me the following question:

"Can you explain how it happened that the Russians did not occupy Constantinople, when it was obviously entirely in their hands?"

"Alas!" I replied, "I have no pleasant explanation to offer. We never expected such a voluntary abdication of power. In fact, some of our military people telegraphed to Moscow, saying, 'To-morrow Constantinople will be occupied for several days.' The general conviction is that our Government, misled by news from abroad, telegraphed orders to our Generals not to advance."

General Grant, who was listening attentively, smiled, and said:

"Well, I can only say one thing. Had I been one of your Generals I should have put the order in my pocket, and opened it at Constantinople three or four days later!"

Soon after the Constantinople mistake we again foolishly yielded to the demands of the European Concert, when the San Stéfano Treaty was opposed, and once more this was a terrible blow to our patriotic feelings, and a real misfortune to Bulgaria.

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By Count Ignatieff's scheme, the Treaty of San Stéfano raised the whole of Bulgaria on this side and on the further side of the Balkans to the rank of a Principality. Bulgaria breathed again, and a bright future seemed about to dawn for her—when suddenly, once more thanks to the demand of European diplomatists, the newly liberated State was sawn asunder alive, and the best, the richest portion of its territory found itself once more under the Turkish yoke. As if this were not enough, it was insinuated, with an entire disregard for national attachments and views, that Russia must not dream of nominating a Russian orthodox Prince to be the Ruler of the new Principality.

No Russian messages or manifestations of sympathy are allowed to find their way into Bulgaria, for the Austrian has reason to fear the Russian influence. The remembrance of what Russia has done is not quite dead; there is still a spark among the ashes, and perhaps even a faint breeze might revive the dying embers. Many people, indeed, are of opinion that there is profound truth in the following words recently pronounced by General Radko Dmitrieff, the Bulgarian General who is fighting in the Russian army against one common foe, the only foe a true Slav can acknowledge at this moment.

"Once the Bulgarians can be made to understand that they have been deceived, that Russia is no enemy, but rather, now as ever, their traditional friend, also that when the time comes for regulating frontiers and boundaries the Allies will be just and generous, great changes may be expected. There {268} may, indeed, be a repetition of that famous incident during the Battle of Leipzig when the Saxons, fighting on the French side, suddenly changed front and went over to the enemy. I should not be at all surprised if something similar happened in the near future." Yes. Bulgaria ought to follow General Radko Dmitrieff's advice—if she wants to be pardoned and saved.

A large section of the people is already bitterly discontented with the Government, and there have already been demonstrations in Sofia in favour of peace. During one demonstration that took place outside the Royal Palace, the demonstrators had to be dispersed by the police and a detachment of cavalry, several people being killed. In the best-informed Bulgarian military and political circles, also, great restlessness and uneasiness is being shown, and the whole state of affairs seems exceedingly unstable and uncertain. The poor Bulgarians, indeed, are in a helpless and inextricable position. From the moment of their liberation they have been in the hands of German Princes, who, encouraged by the German Press, have been spreading the falsehood that Russia is not to be trusted, and that she is rather an enemy than a friend!

Ferdinand has used every opportunity to emphasise this idea, and since the outbreak of the present war has steadily influenced the people into the belief that the Allies would, in the event of their success, crush Bulgaria out of existence. It is, indeed, probable that the fate and fortunes of the Bulgarian people do not touch Ferdinand very deeply—he, an Austrian, a Catholic, cares little for {269} the welfare of his orthodox State subjects. His object is to unite the Bulgarians with their former oppressors; but such a union, even if it is, to all appearances, established, can certainly never be sincere. Ferdinand has learned from his German masters (first-rate masters, indeed, in such matters!) how to demoralise the poor uncultivated Bulgarians: demoralisation is not too strong a term—for Europeans who serve Turkish interests and persecute Christians are renegades of the worst description.

All this would certainly never have happened had Russia not yielded to the demands of the European concert after the Turkish war in '78. I must say here that the England of to-day is by no means the same as the England of Disraeli.

The Bulgarian people, indeed, perhaps deserve more pity than condemnation, and it is wrong to lay all the blame for the present state of affairs entirely at their door. It is, for instance, a significant fact that there are countless Bulgarian subjects in Russia to-day who have refused to answer the call of their Government, in spite of the losses and dangers of future vindictive persecution of themselves and their families which such an action involves. The former Bulgarian Minister in London and afterwards in Petrograd, M. Madjaroff, is said to have been imprisoned for treason the moment he touched Bulgarian soil. His offence was nothing more than a suspected gratitude towards Russia for the good done to Bulgaria.

Russia as well as England is naturally indignant with the attitude suddenly adopted by Bulgaria. {270} That only shows that Bulgaria is in the power of an Austrian Roman Catholic Prince, who is on the best of terms with everything Austrian. Just compare these two irreconcilable elements: an Orthodox people freed from the Turkish yoke of cruelty and persecution, and an Austrian Prince quite unprepared to guide his newly-annexed subjects, and penetrated with the idea of turning them as much as he can against Orthodox Russia, the Liberator of that people, and subjugating them to Jesuits and other anti-Russian elements. I remember Mr. Froude brought me one morning the British Ambassador at the Porte, Sir Drummond Wolfe. We began talking about the plan of granting constitutional government to Bulgaria. "But do you want their death?" I exclaimed. "They have no schools, no roads, no universities, no seminaries: and suddenly you want to plunge them into Parliamentary subtleties?" He smiled. "Yes. No doubt," said he.

Fortunately Russian and Bulgarian have not so far come into actual collision. It seems terrible to think of killing those we fought for forty years ago, or of having them kill our soldiers. There are many grave problems facing Europe, Bulgaria is not the least important.

In the meantime there are several lesser questions that demand attention, and I think one of these is unquestionably what to do with our prisoners of war. As I write news has come to hand that Germany is using 200,000 prisoners of war to strengthen the Rhine defences! In other words, to increase the death-roll amongst the Allies.

ST. OLGA'S SCHOOL FOR GIRL TEACHERS AT NOVO-ALEXANDOFKA
ST. OLGA'S SCHOOL FOR GIRL TEACHERS AT NOVO-ALEXANDOFKA

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Roman lawyers were not kind to women. The code of Justinian says: "Women are not admitted to political activity," and adds laconically: "Propter anim? levitatem" ("They cause levity"). It is not unnatural if after such a compliment we lose the inclination to trouble ourselves about complicated and sometimes painful public questions. But—God helps the brave! And so, I take courage and step straight into the heart of a resolute and searching judgment on one such painful question: that of our prisoners of war. Men, almost without exception, maintain silence on this point, so why should I not try to investigate the matter? At the present moment our prisoners of war, including Germans, Slavs and Turks, number well over a million—that is, more than the entire army of, say, Bulgaria, Norway or Holland. Through the Press and private sources we know that Germany does not hesitate to make use of the working power of her war prisoners. They are kept hungry, and are forced to earn their bread by all kinds of labour, even purely military occupations.

How prisoners are employed in Germany is described by "The Man Who Dined With the Kaiser," that daring young neutral who penetrated into the heart of the enemy country and brought back much information valuable to the Allies. In My Secret Service he writes:

"At Buda-Pesth the Balkan-Zug was tidied and made presentable. Windows were cleaned by men having little ladders, and the compartments and corridors swept. To my great surprise I found that this work was being done by big bearded men in {272} Russian uniforms. I spoke to one or two of them, but they had very few words of German. They explained that they were Russian prisoners."

What are we doing with our prisoners of war? This indiscreet question never receives a satisfactory answer. Forty thousand prisoners have been placed in Government and private employment, but the remaining mass are twirling their thumbs, languishing in enforced idleness. This hopeless and monotonous inactivity has even here and there developed hooliganism in their ranks. And further, how have we placed the comparatively few to whom we have seen fit to give employment? I have received a letter from a lady landowner of my acquaintance, who tells me that after a long and complicated correspondence, ten prisoners of war were sent to her estate. The men were quiet, polite and respectful, and on their arrival were sent to the cattle yard to dig manure. But at this point came surprises: one of these prisoners was a violinist from an opera orchestra, another a photographer, a third a skilled working optician, a fourth a clerk, a fifth—but good Heavens! what is one to do with such farm labourers as that? The dull misery of their long complete inaction had so depressed them, that they were only too pleased to be occupied even if only with the roughest manual labour; but of what use is such work, and what return can it give for the outlay of the employer?

On a recent occasion, chancing to meet at a friend's house several army men, Government officials and financiers, I reproached them for their lack of initiative in not more practically organising {273} the means of using to our advantage this colossal and invaluable working force. As everybody knows, labour at this moment is so costly, that great national enterprises, such as the cutting of canals, the drying of marshes, the making of roads, the hewing of timber, are left neglected and unaccomplished through the costliness and general lack of working hands. Now I ask—where is the intelligent landlord, or other employers, who will take the risk of engaging, without even the roughest choice or selection, a heavily paid contingent of workmen containing the most fantastically mixed elements, persons of the most varied and contrasting stations and professions and habits, most of them in all probability entirely unsuited to, and incapable of, carrying out the work required? In addition, who knows or understands anything about the legal aspects of the matter?—all the special rights and special duties of these special workmen? All the special rules in connection with insubordination or any other misdemeanour, if only the much discussed refusal to work?

I will state my conclusions shortly: it is to my mind necessary, first of all, to compile and publish without delay, in the Russian, German, Turkish and all the Slavonic languages, a short and clear statement of the rights, the duties, the responsibilities of all prisoners of war within our Empire, pointing out that work is obligatory, that refusal to work will be punished disciplinarily and by maintenance on black bread and water. That remuneration will be given in part immediately, the remainder on the conclusion of peace, and on the condition that our {274} prisoners in Germany receive the like remuneration.

Then, it is indispensable to organise military detachments and contingents solely and entirely for the direction and government of the affairs of war prisoners. Numbers of these prisoners must receive a short and hasty course of training for Government national work, which courses, as also the entire administration of the army of working prisoners, can be under the direction of numbers of our brilliant officers and generals who have left the ranks crippled or otherwise incapacitated for further active service. They will be only too happy to take upon themselves responsible work for their country. Further, it is necessary to form a committee for inspection of prisoners in the Intendance department.

There is in our provinces a whole section that does not know how to occupy itself, since the closing of the vodka monopoly. Immense numbers of splendid buildings are standing empty. It seems to me that they could be without further ado turned into schools and reading-rooms with tea-rooms attached, whilst countless local Government excise clerks are entirely without occupation and would be exceedingly useful in the economic department of the larger national working enterprises.

Lastly, all the departments, especially those concerned with agriculture and land development, must be made immediately to set in motion all their sleeping projects: the making of roads and railways, the hewing of forest trees, the cutting of canals, etc., etc., all of which are lying on the shelf for {275} no other reason than the lack of working hands. Nobody will ever persuade me of the impossibility of employing disciplined detachments of our present war prisoners on the execution of many of these projects, especially those connected with building and agriculture. It is beyond question that the labour of the prisoners would immediately cheapen and hasten their completion. Of course, contractors for these undertakings will not make fortunes, and they will certainly do their best to prove the impracticability of the whole plan—but their loss is the country's gain.

Then again, I recently happened to make the acquaintance of the administrator of one of our northern provinces. He was raising with the greatest energy and enthusiasm the question of realising an already fully worked-out project of joining the White Sea to Lake Onega by means of canals. These canals were to cover a distance of 200 versts. Again, nobody will assure me that it is impossible to apply the labour of war prisoners to the execution of this and similar tasks of immense importance to our Empire. Peter the Great dug the Ladoga canal with the hands of his Swedish prisoners—a striking reproach for our present lack of enterprise.

How often it is necessary to recall to one's mind the examples of Peter and Catherine the Great! These reminders of old times usually receive the offensive reply: "Oh, in those days there were men—now we have no more men, only pigmies!" No men? In our Russia that is seething with talented inventors? No men devoted to Russia, {276} to her honour and her might? Indeed ... we have our eagles....

But to return to the question of war prisoners. Can it be that all I have dared to say is so obviously senseless or so excessively profound and complicated that men prefer to pass it over in silence? Or does the question I have touched upon deserve no attention simply because the Romans disregarded a woman's opinion, seeing in it only levity, especially when connected with public questions?[*]


[*] Since this was written the Russian Government has given much more work to prisoners of different nationalities.


German methods with war prisoners are vastly different from those of the Allies. The German is not content with using their bodies for carrying out his various schemes, but he strives to divert their minds from allegiance to their respective countries. It has been proved in a court of law, the witnesses giving evidence under oath, that in the case of the Irish soldiers, prisoners in Germany, endeavours were made to turn them into rebels. No form of duplicity or dishonour seems to come amiss to the German, and his methods with the Russian prisoners are not dissimilar to those practised against the Irish, and I can only hope that they will be as loyal to their country as were the splendid soldiers of our Ally.

With the Russian prisoners the German authorities occupy themselves with torturing the souls of all that fall in their hands, sowing discord and despair for future generations to reap. It is a terrible but authentic fact that the minds of Russian prisoners in Germany are being systematically poisoned by means of the propagation of atheism, nihilism, and {277} anti-patriotism, through every variety of that pernicious literature that was always so well received and patronised in Germany. Our soldiers beg for religious and patriotic books, instead of which they receive the very opposite, their gaolers hoping thus to deprive them of their sole remaining consolation, that of an unshaken faith.

One of the most encouraging things that I have heard recently came to my knowledge only as I was going over the manuscript of this book. The British authorities have taken up the question of sending educational books to the English prisoners in Germany. Apparently the men are tired of fiction, and they want some serious study, such as seamanship, engineering and various other crafts. What particularly interested me was the fact that simple Russian grammars and text-books are very much wanted, and these are being sent out. What greater link can there be between two nations than that each should speak the other's language? Our tongue, however, is by no means an easy one to acquire. Bismarck could not understand why Greek should be learnt at all. "If it is contended that the study of Greek is excellent mental discipline, to learn Russian would be still more so, and at the same time practically useful. Twenty-eight declensions and the innumerable niceties by which the deficiencies of conjugations are made up for are something to exercise the memory. And then, how are the words changed! Frequently nothing but a single letter of the original root remains."